The Awami League Will Return with Honour

Article by M. Nazrul Islam

On August 15, 1975, the Father of the Nation, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, was assassinated along with most of his family. No one was spared—not even a pregnant housewife or a small child. Tanks rolled through the streets of Dhaka. A nationwide curfew remained in force throughout the night. The military was deployed across the country. Countless Awami League leaders and activists were killed or imprisoned. The brutality and savagery left the people of Bangladesh stunned. An atmosphere of terror was created across the nation, where people were even afraid to utter the name of Bangabandhu or the Awami League. The slogan “Joy Bangla” was banned. Newspapers did not dare publish Bangabandhu’s photograph, let alone write a single sentence mentioning his name.

At that time, did anyone believe that the Awami League would ever return to Bangladesh? That it would once again participate in politics and regain power? No—because the circumstances gave no reason for such hope. But history has shown that conspiracies do not last forever. They did not last for Mir Jafar, they did not last for Moshtaq, and they will not last for Yunus either. Since 1975, there have been numerous attempts to eliminate the Awami League from Bangladesh’s political landscape. Behind every one of these efforts have been anti-independence forces. They fail to understand that the Awami League is a party of the people, and no amount of conspiracy or violence can erase it.

The Awami League stands for politics based on ideals. It pursues the liberation of the Bengali nation and works toward building a secular Bangladesh. That is why no conspiracy has ever succeeded in suppressing it, nor will any succeed in the future. Ayub Khan and Yahya Khan could not destroy it in Pakistan. Moshtaq and Zia’s regime failed after 1975. Those behind the alleged conspiracy of 2024 will fail as well.

The reality is that the Awami League recovered even from the severe crisis that followed 1975. After 21 years, supported by the love and trust of the people, it returned to power in 1996. With its return came the restoration of many of the ideals and achievements of the Liberation War. The nation resumed its journey toward fulfilling Bangabandhu’s dream of a “Golden Bengal.”

However, conspirators did not relent. Militants were unleashed against the Awami League and its leaders and activists. International conspiracies continued. In the 2001 election, the Awami League was, according to the author, deliberately defeated. After assuming power, the BNP–Jamaat alliance allegedly launched a campaign against the Awami League. As it anticipated defeat in the 2006 election, another political conspiracy emerged, known as “One-Eleven,” leading to the military-backed caretaker government. Yunus was also involved during that period and attempted to form a political party, but failed. Awami League President Sheikh Hasina was arrested. Faced with these circumstances, people again took to the streets. Under the pressure of a mass movement, elections were finally held in December 2008, resulting in a landslide victory for the Awami League-led Grand Alliance.

According to the author, the years that followed marked an era of national progress. In 1996, Bangladesh’s electricity generation capacity stood at only 1,600 megawatts. Within five years, it rose to 4,200 megawatts. During the BNP–Jamaat government and the subsequent caretaker administration, electricity production allegedly declined. When the Awami League returned to power in 2009, production was below 3,000 megawatts. Over the following sixteen years, generation capacity increased to more than 25,000 megawatts. The Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant and the Matarbari Power Hub were nearing completion, which would have raised total capacity beyond 30,000 megawatts.

The government also secured a vast maritime boundary in the Bay of Bengal. The Padma Bridge, once thought impossible, was constructed with domestic funding despite the withdrawal of World Bank financing. The Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Tunnel was built beneath the Karnaphuli River. Metro Rail and multiple elevated expressways were developed in Dhaka, with similar infrastructure projects in Chattogram. The Payra Seaport was established to facilitate foreign trade, stimulating economic growth in the southern region. Bangabandhu Satellite was launched into space, improving communications. Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport’s Third Terminal expanded aviation capacity, while highways were widened and upgraded across the country.

These developments, the author argues, strengthened Bangladesh’s economy. Per capita income reportedly increased from around US$500 to over US$2,800. GDP growth exceeded seven percent. Bangladesh came to be recognized internationally as a model of development and was described as an “Emerging Tiger of Asia.” The country graduated from least-developed to developing nation status.

The author contends that those achievements are now being reversed. New investment has stalled, factories are closing, gas shortages are reducing industrial production, millions of workers are losing their jobs, inflation has become uncontrollable, and economic indicators are deteriorating. According to the author, Bangladesh is being pushed toward economic decline while corruption and money laundering continue to increase.

The article further alleges that power was seized through a “meticulously designed” conspiracy, that people were killed using sniper ammunition unavailable to the police in order to incite unrest, and that more than 3,500 police personnel were killed. It also claims that those currently in power have fulfilled secret commitments made in exchange for authority.

The author questions the silence of international human rights organizations, alleging that thousands of Awami League, Jubo League, and Chhatra League leaders and activists have been killed. According to the article, bodies have been found in rivers, canals, fields, and forests. Many people have allegedly been forced to pay extortion after selling their property, while those refusing have faced assaults, looting, arson, and attacks on their homes. It further claims that minority communities have been targeted through arson and violence intended to force them to leave the country. The author argues that human rights advocates have remained silent in the face of these alleged abuses.

The Awami League has existed for more than seven and a half decades. Throughout its history, it has endured numerous hardships and repeatedly confronted campaigns aimed at eliminating it, particularly after 1975. Yet, according to the author, with the support of the people, it has overcome every obstacle and will continue to do so. The present period of political darkness, the author concludes, will also pass, and the Awami League will soon return to Bangladesh’s political arena with honour.